El falso millón de viviendas

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Rafael Uzcátegui

Como cualquier estudiante del primer semestre en ciencias económicas o arquitectura conoce, la cantidad de factores implicados en la actividad inmobiliaria ocasiona que, cuando en un país aumenta la cantidad de edificaciones levantadas, se genera un crecimiento general de la economía. ¿Se imaginan ustedes el significado para Venezuela que durante el año 2015 se hubiera construido la mayor cifra de viviendas en los últimos 40 años?

En la Memoria y Cuenta del Ministerio de Vivienda y Hábitat del año pasado, se hace la afirmación que se construyeron la cantidad de 326.323 casas en el país, lo cual daría como gran total, como resultado de la Gran Misión Vivienda Venezuela (GMVV), un millón de viviendas erigidas desde el inicio de esta política pública. Para cualquier persona de buena voluntad esto sería una excelente noticia: Que tal cantidad de familias venezolanas disfrutaran de un techo propio. Si fuera realmente así hoy celebraríamos la importante disminución del déficit habitacional entre nosotros, calculado alguna vez en casi tres millones de inmuebles.

¿Cuántas casas construyó cada quién?, ¿Dónde se encuentran ubicadas? La Memoria y Cuenta no lo dice.

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Anarchism in current Latin America: The challenge of abandoning our crutches

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Rafael Uzcátegui
April 2015

If anarchism is forged in its fighting practises against the concrete domination, we wouldn’t be able to reflect upon the situation in Latin America without describing the socio-political movements that have occurred in these last years and how the libertarian universe has responded to these ever-changing situations.

Latin America transits the end of the so-called “progressive decade”, initiated in 1999, in which a series of governments identified as left-wing groups arrived into power through the electoral mechanism. Through this method figures like Hugo Chávez (Venezuela), Lula Da Silva (Brazil), Evo Morales (Bolivia), Daniel Ortega (Nicaragua), “Pepe” Mujica (Uruguay), Rafael Correa (Ecuador) and Nestor Kirchner (Argentina) formed a regional block that took control of the left-wing universe. This progressive political direction of the continent coincided with another moment in Latin America, the “years of the commodities”, which was a period of economic prosperity due to the high price of energy and mineral resources in the international markets. To give a brief idea of how lucrative this period was for Latin America as a whole; the Economic Commission of Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL) was responsible for a regional growth of 4% during the years 2004-1013, whilst the rest of the world faced economic hardship. The progressive block differentiated itself politically from the rest of the countries in the continent with more neoliberal views (México, Colombia, Chile, Perú), however they all agreed on the imposition of an economic development scheme based on extractivism and being the primary exporter for the global market. Paradoxically, it was the revitalization of international capitalism which provided the material sustenance for the promotion of these redistributive policies to the progressive governments of Latin America.  Hence, the falling price of extractivist goods coincides with the exhaustion and predictable debilitation of the governance model promoted by these progressive powers. If that weren’t enough, we must also include the social tensions which were a product of the progressive government’s failure to maintain expectations and promises, as demonstrated by the economic crisis (Venezuela, Argentina), political corruption (Brazil) and discriminatory policies, along with the criminalization of protests that have generated broad resistance movements (Bolivia, Ecuador).

This last decade of progressive governments in Latin America, instead of building alternatives to global capitalism, is also partially responsible for the Cuban state transition towards “post-fidelism”, especially following the visit of Barack Obama to the island. The deal between these two states, the Cuban and North-American, will have political, economic, social and diplomatic consequences, along with dealing a symbolic harsh blow towards the revolutionary past that has prevailed in in Cuba.

Can somebody sustain that changes are not fundamental and that they don’t oblige us to form a re-categorization of the theoretical-ideological concept of classic anarchism?

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